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The Dialogue and Convergence Space For Nicaraguan Actors, one of five platforms within Nicaragua’s political and civic opposition, has put forward a 16-point roadmap aimed at achieving a democratic transition. The proposal centers on bringing together opposition forces both inside the country and in exile to push for an end to the dictatorship.
“This is not a letter to Santa Claus—it’s a call for unity in action, in struggle, to shift the balance of power and end the dictatorship,” said Haydée Castillo, founder of the Las Segovias Leadership Institute and a member of the platform’s coordinating body.
In an interview on the program Esta Semana, broadcast on CONFIDENCIAL’s YouTube channel due to television censorship, Castillo also spoke about the international context and the role of the United States as a source of external pressure. “The United States has a role, we are seeing it in the current geopolitical shifts. But that responsibility cannot be delegated. For us to take it on, the opposition needs structure and organization so we can have a seat at the table—where we can put forward our demands, the priorities of victims, and the calls for justice, and ensure that this is not a transition in which Nicaragua repeats its past. We cannot return to a time when we left everything in God’s hands or in the hands of a foreign power to solve Nicaragua’s problems.”
The Dialogue Space’s proposal for a democratic transition in Nicaragua is based on the premise that political struggle must be reactivated and that the main opposition groups must come together in a shared effort to bring an end to the dictatorship. But where does the opposition stand today, and how can that joint effort be organized? We have seen joint statements from some groups—Monteverde AUN, the Dialogue Space, and PUDE—aimed at increasing their influence in international forums. And last week, another group, the Grand Opposition Confederation, met in Miami. Is there any strategy for unity in action among these five groups?
As the Dialogue Space, we cannot speak on behalf of the other platforms, which we deeply respect. However, we are establishing many channels of communication with other organizations, and a favorable climate has emerged for this qualitative step forward in organization—what we refer to in this transition proposal as the urgency of developing a strategy to fill the current power vacuum. We need these collective, legitimate voices to truly represent the urgency and the needs of the Nicaraguan people at this moment, in any transition process.
Given the repression in Nicaragua since 2021, there has been no visible protest or civic resistance. What capacity does the opposition have to carry out civic resistance in Nicaragua under a police state?
It is true that the situation inside the country amounts to a state of terror. The Nicaraguan people have not stopped resisting in different ways. As part of its repressive policy under this police state, the Ortega-Murillo dictatorship has effectively dismantled the community social fabric and the natural networks of resistance that emerged in 2018.
What we are proposing—and I know the Nicaraguan people are already doing this—is the urgent need to rebuild connections, coordination, and communication: a form of resistance that begins within families, neighborhoods, and communities. Because while visible expressions of resistance are not possible, resistance does not mean passivity. It must be expressed in other ways. We are also emphasizing the importance of strengthening communication among Nicaraguans—we are one and the same, inside and outside the country.
The people are resisting, and what we need now is to channel that resistance, strengthen it, and define a clear strategy. A transition process requires a shift in the balance of power—political mobilization that can sustain and support that transition.
How is opposition leadership taking shape, both in exile and within Nicaragua, as a potential counterpart to the international commission for Nicaragua’s transition that you propose, with members of the international community and human rights organizations? Who represents the opposition’s leadership?
There has been a great deal of fear of strongman politics—of repeating past experiences. Within the Dialogue Space, we have argued that before focusing on individuals, we needed to put proposals on the table. There are several proposals, and the conditions are now in place to bring them together and build consensus around the steps needed for this transition. What is urgently needed is the formation of a collective opposition leadership.
This leadership should emerge from consensus among the main platforms and civil society organizations, based on criteria that can provide legitimacy—especially given that it is not possible to carry out a broad public consultation in Nicaragua. Many people are afraid to even express an opinion by phone, let alone publicly, given the level of police control inside the country.
There are many capable individuals—men and women—who can help lead this transition process. This is not an electoral moment. This is a moment to end the dictatorship and to create the conditions needed to meet key demands, such as the release of political prisoners and other essential steps in a transition process.
OAS member states failed in their efforts to secure free elections in Nicaragua and to push the dictatorship toward a transition. That vacuum, at least in the cases of Venezuela and Cuba, is now being filled by the Trump administration through its interventionist policy. In Nicaragua’s case, what role does U.S. policy play in this proposed transition?
We want Nicaragua’s opposition to be a central pillar in this negotiation process. We are deeply grateful for the work being carried out the UN Group of Experts,, for the pressure coming from the Human Rights Council, and for the efforts of the U.S. State Department and the European Union. These are all important actors. But the transition process must be led by Nicaragua’s political and social opposition, and it is the opposition that must present the proposal for that transition. We cannot return to a time when we left everything in God’s hands or in the hands of a foreign power to solve Nicaragua’s problems.
The United States clearly has a role. We are seeing it in the current geopolitical shifts. But that responsibility cannot be delegated. To take it on, the opposition needs structure and organization so it can have a place at the table, where it can put forward the needs, demands, victims’ priorities, and calls for justice, and ensure that this is not a transition in which Nicaragua repeats its past.
The proposal includes a 16-point roadmap that begins with the release of political prisoners and the suspension of repression. But how can the police state actually be dismantled?
At its core, what we are proposing is that a transition is not a “letter to Santa Claus.” What we want to achieve will not fall from the sky, and it will not be resolved by simply listing demands. We need to build a balance of power, a collective pressure from all social forces, and reconnect the different popular forces, including the civic energy that emerged in April, in order to shape a strategy of sustained popular mobilization. Because at a negotiating table, in the current context, the Ortega-Murillo dictatorship is not simply going to show up and say, here we are, we are leaving.
We need to build that balance of power at a time when the regime is politically isolated, and shift it in favor of ending the dictatorship and moving toward a democratic transition so that it becomes irreversible.
According to the regime’s timeline, elections are scheduled for November 2027 to select co-president Rosario Murillo. This roadmap calls for electoral reforms and for elections to be held “within a reasonable timeframe.” Would those elections take place with Ortega and Murillo, or without them?
As long as Ortega’s system remains in power, there is no possibility of elections that meet the standards of the Inter-American Democratic Charter, free and without pressure on voters, and not under repression, as happened in Venezuela and as we experienced in 2021.
The goal is to reach a point where we can bring an end to the dictatorship. But that depends on our capacity in the coming months. The transition is urgent. We need to take this step forward in terms of organization and coordination of forces within a short timeframe. Between now and November, many of these processes must take place. We must force this transition to happen, and that will only be possible if we apply enough pressure to corner the dictatorship into a negotiation process.
Does this 16-point program for democratic transition first imply the departure of Ortega and Murillo, the fall of the dictatorship?
In light of what is happening in Venezuela and Cuba, we are seeing, in the context of global geopolitics, a kind of transition being shaped or influenced by the United States. So the proposal, the demand, is that we are able to ensure that the role of the United States is complementary, as with the rest of the international community, and that Nicaraguans themselves can set the course so that history is not repeated.
The roadmap includes guarantees for public servants who have no pending legal cases. What role do public officials, both civilian and military, play in this transition proposal?
We believe it should not matter whether you are liberal, conservative, or social Christian. Being Nicaraguan should be enough to be part of the transformation called for by the April Rebellion. Because it was not about replacing one individual in power. The April Rebellion called for a change in the political and economic system, especially given the collapse of the party system in Nicaragua. That means everyone has an important role to play, including state employees who have no outstanding issues with the justice system.
