\n No Posts Found<\/p>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n However, only around twenty-five senior officials\u2014among them at least five children of the presidential couple, Laureano, Rafael, Daniel Edmundo, Camila, and Maurice\u2014are the ones who keep the machinery well-oiled, transmitting orders and enforcing the regime\u2019s lines of authority.<\/p><\/blockquote><\/figure>\n\n These are the operators who manage the four pillars of power: political repression; control of the party-state; management of the economy and corruption; and censorship and official propaganda. The presidency\u2014now a \u201cco-presidency\u201d\u2014also has around twenty advisers on the state payroll, listed through decrees published in La Gaceta. A few have specific responsibilities. Most are former ministers who once played a relevant role, or dismissed officials who have been given a fictitious consolation post\u2014such as Army Major General \u00d3scar Balladares, the former institution\u2019s \u201cnumber two,\u201d appointed an \u201cadviser on infrastructure\u201d after his promotion to the top command was blocked in 2013. <\/p>\n\n A CONFIDENCIAL<\/strong> investigation published in September 2024 detailed that since 2007 Ortega has appointed 47 presidential advisers to reward, punish, or sideline officials<\/a>, granting them high salaries and no concrete duties, as a kind of \u201cwild-card\u201d post within the dictatorship. Of these, fewer than 11 remain \u201cactive\u201d; two of them (Bayardo Arce and Steadman Fagot) are imprisoned under conditions of enforced disappearance, and two others (Iv\u00e1n Acosta and Horacio Rocha) have fallen from grace and hold no position. <\/p>\n\n These political operators move in and out of the presidential couple\u2019s inner circle depending on their specific sphere of influence. They intervene and supervise\u2014and some may voice opinions\u2014but they do not deliberate. They only execute orders. <\/p>\n\n Loyalty is the essential requirement to serve in this role\u2014and above all, the trust of Rosario Murillo. Yet nothing guarantees permanence within a political order defined by rigid vertical control. <\/p><\/blockquote><\/figure>\n\n After approval of the so-called \u201cChamuca Constitution\u201d and Murillo\u2019s ongoing purge, these are\u2014for now\u2014the regime\u2019s rings of power and the most influential operators who manage its main pillars.<\/p>\n\n The day-to-day management of the government, the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) party, and the regime\u2019s repressive paramilitary forces is directly overseen by Rosario Murillo, through her two main political operators: Fidel Moreno and Gustavo Porras.<\/p>\n\n Porras and Moreno have also overseen politically strategic social programs\u2014such as Bono Productivo, Usura Cero, Plan Techo, and Calles para el Pueblo\u2014in coordination with the FSLN\u2019s territorial party structures. Although Moreno and Porras coordinate with one another to carry out the tasks assigned by Murillo, each controls his own power base. They compete to expand their respective spheres of influence by recruiting loyalty from lower-ranking officials and party cadres. The secretary general of the Managua Mayor\u2019s Office, Fidel Moreno, wields the municipality\u2019s real power and serves as the link to the business sector responsible for executing large-scale infrastructure projects.<\/p>\n\n Moreno is also the FSLN\u2019s secretary of organization, effectively acting as the regime\u2019s chief human-resources manager. He drafts proposals for placing loyalists in key positions across government institutions, within an administration marked by a high turnover of personnel.<\/p>\n\n Fidel Moreno<\/a> coordinates paramilitary operations with the National Police and Army intelligence and is the principal liaison with municipal governments and the FSLN\u2019s party structures. He also serves as Murillo\u2019s political overseer within the Supreme Court of Justice and other institutions, including the Nicaraguan Institute of Territorial Studies (INETER) and the National System for Disaster Prevention and Response (SINAPRED). <\/p>\n\n The lawmaker and president of the National Assembly, Gustavo Porras<\/a>, controls the Legislative Branch, the FSLN parliamentary bloc, alliances with the \u201csatellite\u201d parties, and the unions through the National Workers\u2019 Front (FNT).<\/p>\n\n He also acts as the operator-intervenor of a vast sector of the government\u2019s social area, which includes the Ministries of Health and Education, the Tourism Institute, and the Ministry of Agriculture. Porras suffered a significant loss with the political takeover and closure of the now-defunct Ministry of Family, Community, Cooperative and Associative Economy (MEFCCA).<\/a> <\/p>\n\n In coordination with Porras, Roberto L\u00f3pez runs the Nicaraguan Social Security Institute (INSS) and is described as one of the officials \u201cclosest\u201d to Murillo, ordering the confiscation of pensions from citizens, dissidents, former public employees, and opposition figures in exile.<\/p>\n\n In the background, Lumberto Campbell<\/strong> is the only one of the traditional political operators who has survived under Murillo\u2019s command, handling matters related to the Sandinista Front, the Caribbean Coast, and the Supreme Electoral Council, where he remains after resigning the presidency, citing health problems.<\/p>\n\n FSLN political secretaries also have a presence in all public institutions and perform key functions in the \u201csurveillance and intelligence network of the state apparatus.\u201d Among the political secretaries most prominent in repression are mayors Sadrach Zeled\u00f3n Rocha<\/strong>, in Matagalpa, and Le\u00f3nidas Centeno Rivero<\/strong>, in Jinotega, who \u201cled the repression in their respective departments.\u201d<\/p>\n\n Since 2007, police affairs have been under the political intervention of the FSLN secretariat and, since 2018, under the direct supervision of Rosario Murillo. At first this occurred through the mediation of the presidential adviser on national security, N\u00e9stor Moncada Lau; later through retired commissioner general Horacio Rocha; and now under Murillo\u2019s intervention through the triad of police chiefs: First Commissioner Francisco D\u00edaz<\/strong>, head of the National Police and related by marriage to the presidential couple; Police co-director Victoriano Ruiz<\/strong>, appointed in 2025; and alongside them the deputy director general and head of Police Investigation and Intelligence since 2022, Zhukov Serrano P\u00e9rez.<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n \u201cIn the Police, Rosario Murillo rules through the three police chiefs,\u201d said a former police officer with firsthand knowledge of Murillo\u2019s mechanisms of political intervention.<\/p>\n\n The loyalty of the Police was sealed with blood in 2018, when shoulder to shoulder with paramilitary groups they carried out repression and massacres against the citizen protests of the April Rebellion, leaving more than 350 people killed and thousands wounded.<\/p>\n\n The Police also run the de facto police state<\/a> imposed since September 2018, banning any kind of demonstration against the dictatorship, within an apparatus of surveillance, espionage, and harassment that has forced hundreds of thousands of Nicaraguans into exile.<\/p>\n\n In February 2025, Francisco D\u00edaz swore \u201cloyalty and obedience\u201d<\/a> to the dictators during his inauguration as police chief for a second consecutive term. During the ceremony, Murillo took the opportunity to administer the oath to a \u201cselection\u201d of 30,000 hooded individuals designated as volunteer police officers. <\/p>\n\n At the beginning of 2025, over a six-week period, the dictatorship quintupled the size of its main repressive arm in Nicaragua<\/a> by integrating more than 76,800 \u201cvolunteer police\u201d into the Police force \u2014 a term the regime has used since 2018 to justify the actions of paramilitary groups. With them, the number of police officers rose from 20,474 in 2024 to 105,285 in February 2025. This \u201carmy\u201d of Murillo<\/a> is the largest police force in the country\u2019s history, even though the dictatorship claims the country is living in times of peace. <\/p>\n\n Under Ortega\u2019s presidency, relations between the Executive Branch and the military institution have never been channeled through the Ministry of Defense or any other intermediary: instead, there is a delegated administration in the hands of the Army chief, General Julio C\u00e9sar Avil\u00e9s.<\/p>\n\n Daniel Ortega himself used to deal directly with Army General Julio C\u00e9sar Avil\u00e9s<\/strong>, at the express request of the military high command, until this delegation passed into Rosario Murillo\u2019s hands in mid-2025.<\/p><\/blockquote><\/figure>\n\n In February 2025, Avil\u00e9s swore loyalty to Ortega, Murillo, and the new Constitution<\/a>, which grants absolute power to the dictatorial couple. The Army general assumed a fourth consecutive term as head of the Army at an official ceremony in which the roughly twenty generals who make up the military high command<\/a> were also enthroned, forming the \u201cbottleneck\u201d that blocks promotions within the military career. Three months later, in May<\/a>, Avil\u00e9s reiterated to the troops that the Army will respect the constitutional reform that included the figure of \u201cco-presidents\u201d and designated Murillo, alongside Ortega, as supreme commanders of the Armed Forces. <\/p>\n\n At the head of the \u201cbottleneck,\u201d alongside Avil\u00e9s in the General Command, are Chief of Staff Bayardo Rodr\u00edguez <\/strong>and Inspector General Marvin Corrales<\/strong>, both promoted to the newly created rank of \u201ccolonel general\u201d<\/a> in May 2025. \u201cCo-president\u201d Rosario Murillo deals directly with General Avil\u00e9s and the General Command, without the participation of Daniel Ortega, who presides only at ceremonial events. <\/p>\n\n A report by the Group of Experts on Human Rights in Nicaragua<\/p>\n\n A February 2025 report by the United Nations Group of Experts on Human Rights on Nicaragua (GHREN) stated that, during the 2018 demonstrations, the Army chief \u201cordered the participation of military personnel in the repression,\u201d <\/a>which resulted in the loss of Nicaraguan lives and is considered extrajudicial executions. \u201cThis occurred on several occasions, and also involved their participation as armed groups in a disguised manner in the executions,\u201d said German jurist Jan-Michael Simon, president of the GHREN. <\/p>\n\n As head of the Army, General Avil\u00e9s is the operator who, with autonomy, concentrates the greatest political, military, and economic power after Rosario Murillo and Daniel Ortega. <\/p><\/blockquote><\/figure>\n\n Through the Military Social Security Institute, Avil\u00e9s controls the Army\u2019s business and investment arm in construction, commerce, agriculture, real estate development, and health services. At the same time, he acts as protector of the private business network of former military officers and promotes the placement of former Army officers as regime officials. <\/p>\n\n During its second and third terms, the regime earned national and international recognition for facilitating responsible macroeconomic management. That credit was attributed to former Central Bank president Antenor Rosales and to economist and Nicaragua\u2019s representative to the CABEI, Silvio Conrado<\/a>, one of Ortega\u2019s most influential economic advisers, who died in 2018. <\/p>\n\n But under Rosario Murillo\u2019s command, the main economic operator is Ovidio Reyes<\/strong>, appointed president of the Central Bank in 2014 as successor to Alberto Guevara. Reyes is a highly qualified technocrat who acts as a \u201csuper-minister\u201d of the economy<\/a> after taking control of the Ministry of Finance and Public Credit following Iv\u00e1n Acosta\u2019s downfall in late 2023, and who functions as the regime\u2019s \u201cfixer\u201d on economic matters. <\/p>\n\n As president of the Central Bank\u2019s Board of Directors, he is responsible for designing monetary and exchange-rate policy and is in charge of fiscal policy. After Acosta\u2019s departure, Reyes presented the draft National Budget, confirming his role as the regime\u2019s \u201cczar of public finances\u201d and its main interlocutor with international organizations. <\/p>\n\n In December 2024, the dictatorship ordered a reform of the operations of the Central Bank<\/a> and the Superintendency of Banks and Other Financial Institutions (Siboif), and in January 2025 expanded Reyes\u2019s powers so that he would preside over the Financial Stability Committee (CEF), giving him influence over additional state entities. <\/p>\n\n In practice, Reyes controls the Ministry of Finance, Siboif, the Financial Analysis Unit (UAF), and the Deposit Guarantee Fund (Fogade). The UAF has been identified as part of the surveillance network used to identify opponents, monitor their activities, and locate the bank accounts of opposition figures to be seized. <\/p>\n\n Under Reyes\u2019s supervision, the regime carries out policies of state capture, the \u201claundering\u201d of confiscations, and the management of \u201cofficial corruption.\u201d <\/p>\n\n At the end of December 2023, the presidency ordered the National Assembly to eliminate the name Ministry of Governance (Migob) and rename it the \u201cMinistry of the Interior (MINT),<\/a>\u201d as it was called in the 1980s, when it was responsible for spying on, persecuting, imprisoning, and repressing those considered \u201cenemies of the revolution.\u201d<\/p>\n\n The resurrection of the MINT was the final stage of a \u201cmutation\u201d process carried out by the dictatorship. By mid-2022, it had already been granted powers to persecute, confiscate, expel, and banish opponents and independent organizations. This resurrection also confirmed another objective of the regime: to \u201cintimidate\u201d the population by reviving the specter of the 1980s<\/a> and to carry out transnational repression.<\/p>\n\n After Ortega\u2019s return to power, the former Ministry of Governance was initially headed by Ana Isabel Morales, who in 2017 was replaced by Mar\u00eda Amelia Coronel Kinloch<\/strong>, previously a minister counselor with consular functions at Nicaragua\u2019s Embassy in Panama.<\/p>\n\n However, real power in the Ministry of the Interior is exercised by Vice Minister Luis Ca\u00f1as, a former police officer who was part of specialized anti-drug units in the 1990s. Ca\u00f1as is Rosario Murillo\u2019s main operator for managing the Ministry of the Interior, while Minister Amelia Coronel plays a largely decorative role. <\/p>\n\n The UN Group of Experts on Nicaragua (GHREN) states that the Ministry played an important role in the government\u2019s repressive infrastructure<\/a> through three subordinate units: the National Penitentiary System (SPN), the Directorate General of Migration and Aliens (DGME), and the Directorate General of Control and Registration.<\/p>\n\n The SPN is accused of physical torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment against political prisoners during exhaustive interrogations to obtain information or punish them for their participation in protests. These acts include beatings, sexual violence, threats, insults, bans on communicating with other detainees, isolation in punishment cells, inadequate food \u2014 sometimes in smaller portions than those given to common prisoners \u2014 and water and electricity cutoffs in cells, as well as limited access to medical care. <\/p>\n \n No Posts Found<\/p>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n The DGME is responsible for confiscating passports at border crossings, refusing to renew expired travel documents, and carrying out expulsions from the country or de facto banishments, following direct orders from the Vice Minister of the Interior, Luis Ca\u00f1as<\/strong>, who heads a team that decides whether a person is allowed to enter Nicaragua, under Murillo\u2019s command.<\/p>\n\n Also within the Ministry of the Interior, the Directorate General of Registration and Control, headed by Franya Urey Bland\u00f3n<\/strong>, is tasked with canceling the legal status of non-profit organizations and providing lists of assets to be confiscated, dismantling civic space through the annulment of approximately 5,500 national and foreign NGOs.<\/p>\n\n Under Ortega\u2019s fourth consecutive term and his second alongside Murillo, Nicaragua\u2019s Attorney General\u2019s Office<\/a> has undergone a drastic transformation, becoming an instrument of repression, accumulating unprecedented powers and absorbing functions that historically belonged to other institutions.<\/p>\n\n Its rise is evident in its role as executor of mass firings of public employees at all levels, including mayors and university presidents. It has also assumed auditing functions in municipalities, work that was previously carried out by the Office of the Comptroller General and the now-defunct Nicaraguan Institute of Municipal Development (Inifom). In addition, it has positioned itself as the regime\u2019s legal arm to justify and carry out property confiscations, whether from denationalized citizens, NGOs, opponents, or dissidents. It has even taken over public registries, the issuance of environmental permits, and the resolution of disputes, centralizing functions from multiple state agencies. <\/p>\n\n A constitutional reform formalized its vast authority, renaming it the \u201cAttorney General of Justice\u2019s Office\u201d and assigning it the prosecutorial functions of the Public Prosecutor\u2019s Office. This change, together with a significant increase in its budget, consolidates its role as an entity of control and surveillance over the rest of the State and as a direct enforcer of the dictatorship\u2019s repressive policies, accountable only to the co-presidents. <\/p>\n\n At the head of this \u201csuper Attorney General\u2019s Office\u201d is Wendy Morales Urbina<\/strong>, who has risen to become a central figure in the regime and is identified as one of Murillo\u2019s most trusted officials.<\/a> Morales is the public face of confiscations and the transfer of private property to the State and, internationally, has represented the dictatorship in forums where she has denied repression and human rights violations in Nicaragua. <\/p>\n\n Contrasting with the institutional strength of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the 1980s, when it was led by Father Miguel D\u2019Escoto, under the current regime the Foreign Ministry is projected as one of the weakest institutions in government, under the intervention of Rosario Murillo and Laureano Ortega Murillo. At the beginning of 2017, the then ambassador to the Organization of American States and \u201cpresidential adviser on Policies and International Affairs,\u201d Denis Moncada Colindres<\/strong>, assumed the functions\u2014and later the post\u2014of foreign minister.<\/p>\n\n During all those years, Valdrack Jaentschke<\/a> served as vice minister of foreign affairs, at one point holding up to 15 simultaneous positions within the diplomatic hierarchy until his departure, by an \u201cunappealable decision\u201d of Murillo, in February 2021. But six months later, when some of his adversaries within the government believed he had fallen from grace, Jaentschke reappeared as a political operator for the regime in Central America, occupying posts in several embassies. <\/p>\n\n In the 1980s, he worked in the General Directorate of State Security (DGSE), where he carried out intelligence and espionage activities and, from Honduras, gathered information on the Contras and Somoza loyalists. In the 1990s, he worked as a civil society consultant and interlocutor to manage project financing with U.S. funds, although after Ortega\u2019s return he became one of those responsible for attacking international cooperation and civil society organizations, labeling them \u201cinterventionist\u201d and \u201cforeign agents.\u201d <\/p>\n\n In August 2024, the dictatorship failed for the second time in its attempt to impose him as secretary general of the Central American Integration System (SICA), but nine days later appointed him foreign minister<\/a> as a consolation prize.<\/p>\n\n In September 2025, Murillo appointed Denis Moncada<\/strong> as \u201cco\u2013foreign minister.\u201d Moncada had also been rejected as a candidate for secretary general of SICA. Above both \u201cco\u2013foreign ministers,\u201d Murillo kept her son, Laureano Ortega Murillo, who oversees diplomatic relations with China, Russia, and the regime\u2019s main allies. At the end of 2025, Moncada was appointed charg\u00e9 d\u2019affaires at Nicaragua\u2019s embassy in the United States, with the mission of opening channels of communication with the Donald Trump administration. <\/p>\n\n Meanwhile, Nicaragua\u2019s diplomatic representation abroad rests on two types of officials. On the one hand, four diplomats who divide up roughly thirty embassies among themselves as \u201csuper-ambassadors,\u201d<\/a> despite the questioned backgrounds of some of them, such as Libyan-Nicaraguan Mohamed Farrara Lashtar and Italian-Nicaraguan Maurizio Gelli. On the other hand, about a dozen new ambassadors with no diplomatic experience<\/a>, \u201crewarded\u201d with postings in African countries for their \u201cmerits\u201d in the National Union of University Students (UNEN) and the Sandinista Youth. <\/p>\n\n In an opaque cabinet, where the norm is that ministers not only have no vote but not even a voice, the exception is the head of the Ministry of Transport and Infrastructure (MTI), \u00d3scar Mojica Obreg\u00f3n<\/strong>, a retired major general of the Nicaraguan Army, who previously also served as president of the Nicaraguan Energy Institute (INE).<\/p>\n\n Since his appointment<\/a> in August 2017, Mojica has remained at the helm of the MTI despite U.S. Treasury Department sanctions<\/a>, although administrative authority was transferred to a ministry secretariat.<\/p>\n\n Mojica lost administrative and financial power within the MTI and is unable to sign any legal documents. However, he remains the most influential operator for infrastructure development, first with funds from CABEI and, since 2025, with costly loans from Chinese companies. In addition, Mojica manages a private business network run by former military officers. His son, \u00d3scar Mojica Aguirre, former credit manager at Bancorp, was the presidential couple\u2019s main operator at Credicoop, the dictatorship\u2019s new \u201cslush fund,\u201d<\/a> and later held the post of Minister of Finance and Public Credit for four months. Another important operator in this area has been the minister of Energy and Mines, and also head of the National Electric Transmission Company (Enatrel), Salvador Mansell<\/strong>, who came into these posts as Murillo\u2019s operator, displacing veteran minister Emilio Rappaccioli. And close to him is the representative of the Nicaraguan Electricity Company (ENEL), Ernesto Mart\u00ednez-Tiffer<\/strong>, who in August 2025 was tasked with consummating the takeover of the facilities of the Momotombo Geothermal Plant,<\/a> confiscated from the former regime investment commissioner \u00c1lvaro Baltodano, his son \u00c1lvaro Baltodano Monroy, and three foreign investors.<\/a> <\/p>\n\n Engineer Francisco \u201cChico\u201d L\u00f3pez, treasurer of the FSLN and vice president of Albanisa<\/a>, was the main operator for managing the multimillion-dollar Venezuelan cooperation through the private channels of Caruna and Albanisa, under the close supervision of Rosario Murillo and her son Rafael Ortega Murillo.<\/p>\n\n In July 2018, L\u00f3pez \u201cresigned\u201d from his posts<\/a> as president of the board of the Nicaraguan Petroleum Company (Petronic) and as president of the Nicaraguan Mining Company (Eniminas), after the U.S. government included him\u2014and two other regime-aligned officials\u2014on the Magnitsky Act sanctions list. <\/a><\/p>\n\n![\"Los](\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/Fotoarte_Los-Anillos-del-Poder-de-Rosario-Murillo-1024x768.jpg\")
<\/a><\/figure>The New Rings of Power: Rosario Murillo in Charge<\/a><\/h2>\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n
![\"Asesores](\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/AsesoresPresidenciales.jpg\")
<\/a><\/figure>Ortega\u2019s Presidential Advisors: The \u201cWild Card\u201d of the Regime<\/a><\/h2>\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n
Control of the Government, the FSLN, and Paramilitary Forces
Fidel Moreno, Murillo\u2019s Trusted Enforcer<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n
![\"Fidel](\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/Operadores-Fidel-Moreno.png\")
<\/figure>\n\nGustavo Porras, the agitator who controls the deputies<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n
![\"Gustavo](\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/Operadores-Gustavo-Porras.png\")
<\/figure>\n\nCampbell and the super mayors: control in the territories<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n
![\"Lumberto](\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/Operadores-Lumberto-Campbell.png\")
<\/figure>\n\nThe \u201cthree police chiefs\u201d: Francisco D\u00edaz, Victoriano Ruiz, and Zhukov Serrano<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n
![\"Francisco](\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/Operadores-Jefatura-Policial.png\")
<\/figure>\n\n![\"Trabajadores](\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/Fotoarte_PV_principal_02-1-1024x576.jpg\")
<\/a><\/figure>Nicaraguan Public Employees Forced to Be Paramilitary<\/a><\/h2>\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n
General Julio C\u00e9sar Avil\u00e9s and the \u201cbottleneck\u201d of Army generals<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n
![\"General](\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/Operadores-Comandancia-General.png\")
<\/figure>\n\nOvidio Reyes: the \u201csuper-minister\u201d of the economy <\/strong><\/h2>\n\n
![\"Ovidio](\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/Operadores-Ovidio-Reyes.png\")
<\/figure>\n\nLuis Ca\u00f1as: Ministry of the Interior and national and transnational repression
![\"Luis](\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/Operadores-Luis-Canas.png\")
<\/figure>\n\nWendy Morales, the \u201csuper Attorney General\u2019s Office,\u201d and the accumulation of power<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n
The resurrection of Valdrack Jaentschke at Foreign Affairs<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n
![\"Cocancilleres\"](\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/Operadores-Cocancilleres.png\")
<\/figure>\n\n\u00d3scar Mojica, the infrastructure commissar
![\"Óscar](\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/Operadores-Oscar-Mojica.png\")
<\/figure>\n\nFrancisco \u201cChico\u201d L\u00f3pez, treasurer of the family\u2019s business empire<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n
![\"Francisco](\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/01\/Francisco-Lopez.png\")
<\/figure>\n\n