{"id":179740,"date":"2025-12-09T00:26:00","date_gmt":"2025-12-09T06:26:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/sin-categoria\/chinese-solidarity-leaves-more-debt-and-failed-projects-with-authoritarian-leaders\/"},"modified":"2025-12-13T11:44:59","modified_gmt":"2025-12-13T17:44:59","slug":"chinese-solidarity-leaves-more-debt-and-failed-projects-with-authoritarian-leaders","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/en\/english\/chinese-solidarity-leaves-more-debt-and-failed-projects-with-authoritarian-leaders\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cChinese Solidarity\u201d Leaves More Debt and Failed Projects with Authoritarian Leaders"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p>Chinese companies CAMCE and CCCC, which the Ortega-Murillo regime has used to contract major loans of more than USD 1.4 billion for various infrastructure projects\u2014including the Punhueteta Huete airport\u2014have a record of failed projects and a vicious cycle of debt under onerous terms in Venezuela, Ecuador, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Angola, and Mozambique, according to Dr. Evan Ellis, a researcher and expert on China\u2019s foreign relations.<\/p>\n\n<p>\u201cThere is a pattern, especially noticeable in loans to countries with authoritarian regimes and very little transparency,\u201d says Ellis, a Latin American Studies researcher at the <a href=\"https:\/\/ssi.armywarcollege.edu\/\">U.S. Army War College\u2019s Strategic Studies Institute<\/a>, who was <a href=\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/nacion\/gobierno-expulsa-a-un-analista-de-ee-uu\/\">expelled from Nicaragua in 2016<\/a> just 24 hours after arriving to investigate the feasibility of Wang Jing and HKND\u2019s interoceanic canal project.<\/p>\n\n<p>In an interview on the program<strong><em> Esta Semana<\/em><\/strong>, broadcast on <a href=\"https:\/\/youtu.be\/-Om5mvfiFmc\"><strong>CONFIDENCIAL\u2019<\/strong>s YouTube channel,<\/a> Evan Ellis analyzed the findings of the journalistic investigation <em>\u2018Solidarity\u2019 Made in China<\/em>, which examined the eleven loans contracted by the Ortega-Murillo dictatorship with Chinese companies. These agreements establish high interest rates and commissions, advance payment obligations, and short repayment terms.<\/p>\n\n<p>\u201cThese companies have a bad reputation in many parts of the world, such as the disastrous Coca Codo Sinclair hydroelectric dam project in Ecuador, the Guri dam in Venezuela, and the Hambantota port in Sri Lanka,\u201d Ellis explained.<br\/><\/p>\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-pullquote\"><blockquote><p>\u201cThe Chinese sign contracts that require repayment whether or not the project is profitable, and they are not willing to forgive the debt. In fact, they use poor project performance as leverage to try to extract more debt,\u201d he warned. <\/p><\/blockquote><\/figure>\n\n<p><strong>CONFIDENCIAL\u2019s journalistic investigation confirms that the Nicaraguan government has contracted eleven loans with Chinese companies totaling USD 1.437 billion. In the end, Nicaragua will pay more than USD 600 million in interest and fees\u2014an amount representing 42% of the original loans\u2014and will pay China more than USD 2 billion in total. The government claims this is an act of \u201csolidarity\u201d from China toward Nicaragua, but the terms of these loans are not concessional\u2014that is, they are not development loans.  <\/strong><\/p>\n\n<p>This report is excellent because it not only highlights the concern that this economic relationship is benefiting the Chinese rather than Nicaragua, but it also shows a pattern seen in other countries with authoritarian regimes where there is little transparency. In the cases of Ecuador, Zimbabwe, Suriname, and others, certain patterns emerge: when there are no alternatives, interest rates are high, and in this case, as the report notes, interest rates range between 4% and 6%. On top of that, there are very high fees, between 2.5% and 3.5%, as well as advance payments and other conditions. From these loans totaling 1.4 billion dollars, apart from the returns for Chinese companies and their track record in other projects, more than 2 billion dollars will ultimately be paid. This is a pattern observed in many other places.   <\/p>\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-embed is-type-video is-provider-youtube wp-block-embed-youtube wp-embed-aspect-16-9 wp-has-aspect-ratio\"><div class=\"wp-block-embed__wrapper\">\n<iframe title=\"La mala fama y el endeudamiento que deja China en Am\u00e9rica Latina\" width=\"500\" height=\"281\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/-Om5mvfiFmc?feature=oembed\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share\" referrerpolicy=\"strict-origin-when-cross-origin\" allowfullscreen><\/iframe>\n<\/div><\/figure>\n\n<p><strong>In the specific case of the Punta Huete airport, the loan is USD 440 million, but in the end Nicaragua will pay USD 800 million, including interest and fees. In other words, the interest and fees amount to almost 100% of the loan.<br\/><\/strong><\/p>\n\n<p>Yes, it\u2019s a pattern seen in many places. This project didn\u2019t start with a government-designed plan; instead, the Chinese were allowed to design it themselves, just as in other countries. The loan also requires advance payments\u2014around 20% paid upfront. That means if the Chinese don\u2019t make progress on the project, Nicaragua loses more than 20% in fees. The interest rate on this airport loan is over 4%, which is very high for a 15-year loan\u2014a very short term for a public works project.    <\/p>\n\n<p>If we compare this with loans from the IDB or the World Bank, which can be as low as 1% over 40 years, it\u2019s clear the Chinese benefit greatly while Nicaragua bears the cost. Once the grace period ends, the government will have to pay between USD 150 and 200 million per year in interest alone.  <\/p>\n\n<p>The Nicaraguan government is already spending a lot on studies, and so far the Chinese haven\u2019t done anything at Punta Huete. On top of that, as in many other projects, there isn\u2019t necessarily any demand for this airport. Augusto C. Sandino International Airport is operating at less than half its capacity, yet another airport is being built 60 kilometers from Managua, where there are currently no hotels, restaurants, or tourist infrastructure, and no easy way for workers to reach the site. It\u2019s unclear which airlines will serve this airport, paying large sums for something that may not benefit the Nicaraguan government in tourism or cargo.   <\/p>\n\n<p><strong>In Nicaragua, two Chinese companies appear as the main contractors: China Engineering Company (CAMCE) and China Communications Construction Company (CCCC). Do these companies have a track record from their operations in Ecuador and other countries? How do they operate?  <\/strong><\/p>\n\n<p>Yes, CAMCE is known worldwide, and in Ecuador it has a reputation for projects that haven\u2019t performed well. In Bolivia under Evo Morales, the company also carried out projects that failed, especially hydroelectric and road projects that were lost or abandoned.<\/p>\n\n<p>China Communications Construction Corporation, which is part of China Harbour, is involved in numerous projects that have not gone well across the Americas and elsewhere. <\/p>\n\n<p>A few years ago, the World Bank sanctioned CCCC for corruption. These companies have a poor reputation in many parts of the world. Even disastrous projects like the Coca Codo Sinclair hydroelectric dam in Ecuador\u2014originally a USD 1.7 billion project\u2014ended up costing the state more than USD 3.4 billion, with over 17,000 cracks and only half of the dam\u2019s capacity usable. These companies do not have a strong record elsewhere.   <\/p>\n\n<p><strong>The Punta Huete airport was originally conceived in the 1980s for military purposes but was never built. Now it\u2019s supposedly being designed for commercial use, but Nicaragua operates fewer than ten commercial airlines. What determines the viability of this project?  <\/strong><\/p>\n\n<p>The way the Chinese operate worldwide is that they sign contracts that require repayment, whether or not the project is profitable. We\u2019ve seen this in Sri Lanka with the Hambantota port, which doubled its capacity but created financial challenges.  <\/p>\n\n<p>Sandino Airport currently handles roughly 700,000 passengers, with a capacity of 2 million\u2014less than half its capacity. So why invest all this money in another airport when the existing one is underutilized? Especially given Nicaragua\u2019s situation under Ortega, subject to sanctions and pressures, there\u2019s no reason to think tourism will increase significantly. <\/p>\n\n<p>There\u2019s speculation that this airport could serve China or Russia because of its long runway, similar to what happened during the Cold War with the MiG-21s, although it was never used. It could also serve as a cargo airport\u2014but if it\u2019s a cargo airport, does it serve Chinese interests or Nicaraguan interests? Ultimately, the question is: who pays? If this airport doesn\u2019t generate revenue for Nicaragua, the government still pays the loans and has already lost the first 20% in fees.   <\/p>\n\n<p>The same thing happened in Venezuela, where USD 64 billion in loans disappeared during the Ch\u00e1vez and Maduro years. The Chinese have been paid on almost all of these loans, with only USD 7 billion left unpaid. But what did Venezuela get in return? Abandoned projects at the Guri dam, abandoned rail projects like Tinaco-Anaco, and factories that never produced cars.   <\/p>\n\n<p>Nicaragua is heading down the same path: in the end, the Chinese receive their payments. There may be some benefits going to Ortega\u2019s family, especially Laureano Ortega Murillo, for their role in these contracts, but Nicaragua is left paying off the debt with little real value gained for the Nicaraguan people.<\/p>\n\n<p><strong>The Nicaraguan government presents these projects with Chinese companies as an act of \u201csolidarity\u201d from China toward Nicaragua and as part of a long-term strategic relationship. For the Chinese companies, though, are these 15-year loans really part of a long-term relationship, or are they just short-term deals? <\/strong><\/p>\n\n<p>The Chinese\u2014and I\u2019ve been following this issue for more than 25 years\u2014are very good at speaking in smooth, polished terms that sound like the language of developing countries, friendship, and brotherhood. But in practice, the benefits go to the Chinese companies and, strategically, to the Chinese government. They take advantage of authoritarian, populist leaders willing to give them what they want under terms that are favorable to China, but not necessarily to the people.<br\/>   <\/p>\n\n<p>The same pattern has appeared in infrastructure projects in Angola, Mozambique, and elsewhere. That\u2019s why these companies have such a poor reputation, with over a third of their projects failing from Central Asia to Latin America. They talk about brotherhood, but when you look at who actually benefits from these contracts, the high interest rates, commissions, and advance payments are the same in Venezuela and Ecuador. The Chinese understand that populist governments are unreliable, so they secure their money upfront, knowing projects may be diverted or canceled. Whether the project creates value or not, the Chinese still want to be paid. That is their concept of \u201csolidarity.\u201d Authoritarian leaders may say, \u201cIt\u2019s something wonderful for our country,\u201d but in reality, it\u2019s a scam.    <\/p>\n\n<p><strong>What happens if there\u2019s a change of government? For example, if Nicaragua undergoes a democratic transition, the country inherits a very burdensome debt. How do you negotiate with these Chinese companies under such conditions?<br\/>  <\/strong><\/p>\n\n<p>There\u2019s plenty of historical precedent. In Suriname or Sri Lanka after the Hambantota port, or with government changes in Guyana or Ecuador, the Chinese are unwilling to forgive this debt. Western institutions tend to renegotiate when debt becomes too onerous\u2014for example, in Paris Club negotiations\u2014but China doesn\u2019t participate in that kind of process.  <\/p>\n\n<p>In Suriname, they insisted that the government repay over USD 430 million in accumulated projects after the indebtedness of former dictator Desi Bouterse. In Sri Lanka, the \u201cwin-win\u201d plan required the government to hand over the port built under the previous administration to Chinese operation before any debt relief could occur\u2014again, benefiting China. In Nicaragua, annual payments of USD 200 million or more will continue for many years.  <\/p>\n\n<p>Another pattern is that the Chinese often use their leverage to push governments deeper into the trap. For example, in Ecuador, when Lenin Moreno succeeded Rafael Correa and tried to escape the large debt that had caused a payment crisis, the Chinese told him: \u201cWe won\u2019t forgive this debt or these contracts, but if you face a payment crisis, we will lend more at high interest rates.\u201d Moreno partially fell into this trap.<br\/> <\/p>\n\n<p>The same happened with the disastrous Coca Codo Sinclair project. Recently, the Chinese addressed its poor performance but offered another USD 600 million in new projects. In other words, they take past underperformance and use it as leverage to extract more debt and obligations. Any future democratic government in Nicaragua will not only have to deal with the burden of repayment but also navigate the pressure of escaping this trap.  <\/p>\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-essential-blocks-row alignfull  root-eb-row-kllt9\"><div class=\"eb-parent-wrapper eb-parent-eb-row-kllt9 \"><div class=\"eb-row-root-container eb-row-kllt9\" data-id=\"eb-row-kllt9\"><div class=\"eb-row-wrapper\"><div class=\"eb-row-inner\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-essential-blocks-column  root-eb-column-iwb2y\"><div class=\"eb-parent-wrapper eb-parent-eb-column-iwb2y \"><div class=\"eb-column-wrapper eb-column-iwb2y\"><div class=\"eb-column-inner\"><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-essential-blocks-column  root-eb-column-w2wec\"><div class=\"eb-parent-wrapper eb-parent-eb-column-w2wec \"><div class=\"eb-column-wrapper eb-column-w2wec\"><div class=\"eb-column-inner\">\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\"><img decoding=\"async\" width=\"1600\" height=\"684\" src=\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Vineta-Especial-Solidaridad-hecha-en-China.jpeg\" alt=\"Confidencial Special Series &#x2013; Solidarity Made in China\" class=\"wp-image-179591\" srcset=\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Vineta-Especial-Solidaridad-hecha-en-China.jpeg 1600w, https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Vineta-Especial-Solidaridad-hecha-en-China-300x128.jpeg 300w, https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Vineta-Especial-Solidaridad-hecha-en-China-1024x438.jpeg 1024w, https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Vineta-Especial-Solidaridad-hecha-en-China-768x328.jpeg 768w, https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Vineta-Especial-Solidaridad-hecha-en-China-1536x657.jpeg 1536w, https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Vineta-Especial-Solidaridad-hecha-en-China-480x205.jpeg 480w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\" \/><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-center\"><em>This interview is part of <strong>CONFIDENCIAL\u2019s<\/strong> special series, <strong>\u201cSolidarity Made in China\u201d,<\/strong> which examines the real impact of diplomatic relations between Nicaragua and China\u2014reestablished in 2021\u2014through an analysis of loans, projects, accumulated debt, and China\u2019s growing presence in Nicaragua. The series was published in December 2025.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-essential-blocks-column  root-eb-column-cagl7\"><div class=\"eb-parent-wrapper eb-parent-eb-column-cagl7 \"><div class=\"eb-column-wrapper eb-column-cagl7\"><div class=\"eb-column-inner\"><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Chinese companies CAMCE and CCCC, which the Ortega-Murillo regime has used to contract major loans of more than USD 1.4 billion for various infrastructure projects\u2014including the Punhueteta Huete airport\u2014have a record of failed projects and a vicious cycle of debt under onerous terms in Venezuela, Ecuador, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Angola, and Mozambique, according to Dr. [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":16,"featured_media":179714,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_eb_attr":"","_eb_data_table":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[15445],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-179740","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-english"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.4 (Yoast SEO v27.4) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>\u201cChinese Solidarity\u201d Leaves More Debt and Failed Projects<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Evan Ellis: There is a \u201cpattern\u201d of borrowing from Chinese companies in Ecuador, Venezuela, Guyana, Sri Lanka, Angola, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/en\/english\/chinese-solidarity-leaves-more-debt-and-failed-projects-with-authoritarian-leaders\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"\u201cChinese Solidarity\u201d Leaves More Debt and Failed Projects with Authoritarian Leaders\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Evan Ellis: There is a \u201cpattern\u201d of borrowing from Chinese companies in Ecuador, Venezuela, Guyana, Sri Lanka, Angola, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique.\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/en\/english\/chinese-solidarity-leaves-more-debt-and-failed-projects-with-authoritarian-leaders\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Confidencial\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/confidencial.com.ni\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2025-12-09T06:26:00+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2025-12-13T17:44:59+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/Evan-Ellis.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1280\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"720\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Carlos F. 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