{"id":177740,"date":"2025-11-06T06:31:07","date_gmt":"2025-11-06T12:31:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/sin-categoria\/internet-under-surveillance-in-nicaragua-new-gag-law-takes-effect\/"},"modified":"2025-11-11T04:44:34","modified_gmt":"2025-11-11T10:44:34","slug":"internet-under-surveillance-in-nicaragua-new-gag-law-takes-effect","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/confidencial.digital\/en\/english\/internet-under-surveillance-in-nicaragua-new-gag-law-takes-effect\/","title":{"rendered":"Internet Under Surveillance in Nicaragua: \u201cNew Gag Law\u201d Takes Effect"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

The new General Law on Convergent Telecommunications in Nicaragua formally takes effect on November 6, 2025 \u2014 one year after its publication in the Official Gazette La Gaceta<\/a>. Law 1223, or the \u201cnew gag law,\u201d puts the security and privacy of telecommunications and the internet at risk under the dual dictatorship of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo. <\/p>\n\n

At CONFIDENCIAL<\/strong>, we analyze the changes and dangers introduced by this legislation, the new role of the Nicaraguan Institute of Telecommunications and Postal Services (TELCOR), and the new obligations and risks it poses for consumers and internet users, operators and service providers, content producers, and importers.<\/p>\n\n

To justify the new law, the regime claimed it was necessary to modernize the regulatory framework, since the previous legislation dated back to 1995. But Law 1223 hides a political objective: to establish a superstructure of absolute control over the telecommunications sector and internet in Nicaragua. <\/p>\n\n

The law was passed by the regime\u2019s rubber-stamp National Assembly in October 2024 <\/a>and published a few days later in La Gaceta. Its real purpose, however, stems from the regime\u2019s efforts to control social media following the civic protests that erupted in the country in April 2018. <\/p>\n\n

The result is the subordination of telecommunications infrastructure, digital content, and user privacy to the dictatorship\u2019s totalitarian control. Legal and telecommunications experts have warned that the new law turns technical regulation into a political weapon under Nicaragua\u2019s de facto<\/em> police state. <\/p>\n\n

User privacy at risk<\/h2>\n\n

The law has a direct and severe impact on the digital rights and privacy of users of telecommunications services.<\/p>\n\n

Article 110 of the \u201cnew gag law\u201d requires public service operators and audiovisual providers to supply TELCOR with georeferenced and statistical information<\/a>, enabling the state to implement mass surveillance systems. This obligation includes the potential to monitor communications such as calls, text messages, or emails, as well as online activities like web browsing and mobile app usage. <\/p>\n\n

A 2024 analysis by the Foundation for Freedom of Expression and Democracy<\/a> warned that collecting and analyzing this information \u2014 including communication metadata such as duration, location, and time \u2014 allows the creation of detailed profiles of individuals or groups to identify behavioral patterns and potential dissent. This is considered one of the most serious threats in a context where freedoms are restricted. <\/p>\n\n

The law affirms the right to the inviolability of communications and associated data, but nullifies it at the request of authorities, leaving privacy at the mercy of state discretion.<\/p>\n\n

Content creators and media under scrutiny<\/h2>\n\n

Internet content creators and independent media are exposed<\/a> under the new telecommunications law.<\/p>\n\n

The law defines \u201ccontent\u201d on the internet as any information generated in any form of expression and distributed electronically. Experts consider this definition to be disconnected from the technological framework that a telecommunications law should regulate. <\/p>\n\n

The risk is heightened by the Special Cybercrime Law (Law 1042), passed by the dictatorship in October 2020 and dubbed the first \u201cgag law.\u201d Its ambiguous language on the dissemination of \u201cfalse and\/or distorted information\u201d immediately made it a tool for political repression. Since its enactment, the law has been systematically used to criminalize and prosecute opponents, journalists, and human rights defenders, serving as the legal basis for arbitrary charges <\/a>that have imprisoned numerous political prisoners. <\/p>\n\n

In September 2024, the National Assembly amended the Special Cybercrime Law<\/a> to increase the prison term for cybercrimes against \u201cstate security\u201d from 10 to 15 years. According to the reform, these crimes are punishable even if committed outside the country by individuals or legal entities. <\/p>\n\n

Another aspect of the \u201cnew gag law\u201d is that it requires local channels and audiovisual creators operating online to obtain a license from TELCOR in order to function.<\/p>\n\n

This requirement is seen as a political mechanism designed to exclude any actor who dissents or does not align with the regime. As a result, there are fears that these restrictions could lead to a de facto digital blockade of independent media operating from exile. <\/p>\n\n

Paradoxically, the law considers it a serious offense to block content and applications without prior authorization from TELCOR, cementing the state\u2019s absolute control over what may or may not circulate.<\/p>\n\n

Operators and providers under state co-optation<\/h2>\n\n

Public Telecommunications Service Operators and Audiovisual Service Providers constitute critical infrastructure subject to state surveillance and co-optation. Both are required to obtain a license from TELCOR and are subject to exhaustive regulatory and technical control. <\/p>\n\n

Audiovisual service providers include broadcast and subscription television, radio, and any other service that distributes audiovisual content by any means, including the internet.<\/p>\n\n

The law obliges them to join national radio and television broadcasts when TELCOR calls, particularly in emergencies or when messages of \u201cnational interest\u201d are transmitted. It also requires them to make their facilities and services available to the government free of charge in emergency situations. <\/p>\n\n

Essentially, TELCOR will co-opt private communication infrastructure to ensure the continuous flow of information that favors the state, while simultaneously repressing any independent or critical information flow.<\/p>\n\n

According to official figures, Nicaragua has 7.5 million cellular lines, of which the telecom company Claro controls 50.43% and Tigo 49.57%.<\/p>\n\n

\"\"
Nahima Janett D\u00edaz Flores, director of TELCOR, greets dictator Daniel Ortega with kisses and hugs following an official event on September 26, 2025. | Photo: CCC <\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n

TELCOR: The Regime\u2019s Tool of Control<\/h2>\n\n

TELCOR emerges in the new law as the central actor, with unprecedented power and a dangerous centralization. The regulatory body is headed by Nahima Janett D\u00edaz Flores, daughter of Police Chief Francisco D\u00edaz \u2014 who is Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo\u2019s co\u2013father-in-law. She has been sanctioned by the United States and the European Union since January 2022.<\/a> <\/p>\n\n

Under the pretext of planning and developing the sector, TELCOR is granted broad and discretionary powers that directly threaten digital rights and freedom of expression in a context of ongoing violations of public liberties.<\/p>\n\n

Through TELCOR, the law consolidates government control over telecommunications, giving it authority to set standards, regulate, plan, supervise, and oversee the sector.<\/p>\n\n

The danger \u2014 according to experts \u2014 is that ambiguities and gaps in its definitions facilitate arbitrary enforcement of the law.<\/p>\n\n

Additionally, the legislation allows TELCOR to enlist public security forces to carry out inspections, audits, or the removal of equipment for alleged \u201cnational security\u201d reasons or regulatory noncompliance.<\/p>\n\n

TELCOR also has the power to intervene in private company operations, impose sanctions, or revoke licenses based on broad or loosely defined criteria. It may even restrict or prohibit the import and use of equipment that, in the regime\u2019s judgment, poses a threat to national security. <\/p>\n\n

The law further allows TELCOR to issue all subsequent regulations necessary for the law\u2019s implementation without approval from the National Assembly. This leaves the definition of many details to the regulator\u2019s discretion, including licensing costs and content regulation. <\/p>\n\n

Requirements for manufacturers and importers<\/h2>\n\n

Manufacturers and importers of telecommunications equipment are also subject to strict control over the <\/em>hardware entering the country.<\/p>\n\n

The manufacture, import, distribution, and sale of equipment require prior approval from TELCOR.<\/p>\n\n

According to the law, the purpose is to ensure that the equipment\u2019s technical specifications will not harm networks and to guarantee user safety.<\/p>\n\n

In practice, TELCOR may restrict or prohibit the import and use of equipment that, in its judgment, poses a threat to national security.<\/p>\n\n

In November 2024, the dictatorship issued a circular requiring Nicaraguan ministries and state institutions to prioritize information and communication technology (ICT) manufacturers from China in public tenders. \u201cAll public sector entities and agencies must prioritize the acquisition of ICT solutions whose manufacturer\u2019s country of origin is the People\u2019s Republic of China,\u201d stated Administrative Circular DGCE-SP-10-2024<\/a>, signed by the State General Director of Procurement, Nasser Silwany Gonz\u00e1lez. <\/p>\n\n

Surveillance of communications in Nicaragua<\/h2>\n\n

The new law follows a history of communication surveillance by the dictatorship. In August 2024, a CONFIDENCIAL<\/strong> investigation revealed that a Nicaraguan Army base in Cerro Mokor\u00f3n, south of Managua, has become one of Russia\u2019s main espionage centers, according to sources linked to the military. The report, titled \u201cRussian espionage center operates at Mokor\u00f3n military base in Managua,\u201d<\/a> detailed that Russian officials are the only ones controlling and handling the equipment and information obtained, while Nicaraguan officers are limited to providing \u201csecurity\u201d at the base, according to sources with access to the military facility. <\/p>\n\n

Russian antennas and espionage equipment were installed at several Nicaraguan military bases in mid-2017. Since then, the Army\u2019s Directorate of Military Intelligence and Counterintelligence has processed the information gathered using a radiogoniometry system, which geolocates phone, television, and radio signals generated across the radio spectrum. This is purportedly part of a national defense strategy. <\/p>\n\n

The radiogoniometry system has eight points across the country, located in Chinandega, Nueva Segovia, Chontales, Rivas, the North Caribbean Coast, and near the borders with Honduras and Costa Rica.<\/p>\n\n

The investigation revealed that the Russians added SORM-3 software to this system, which monitors the activities of alleged subversive groups, drug trafficking networks, and neighboring armies, enabling the dictatorship to spy on and intercept communications of its \u201ctargets\u201d as well as so-called \u201cinternal enemies.\u201d<\/p>\n\n

Fake cell towers for interception<\/h2>\n\n

Earlier, in October 2022, an analysis published by CONFIDENCIAL<\/strong> also revealed the existence of 39 fake antennas monitoring cell phones in Nicaragua<\/a>. The study, conducted by South Lighthouse \u2014an organization dedicated to investigating technologies for human rights\u2014 and the Fake Antenna Detection Project (FADe Project), documented irregularities in antennas in Managua, Matagalpa, Jinotega, and Estel\u00ed. These antennas can capture information from citizens\u2019 cell phones using IMSI-Catcher devices, which are used for electronic surveillance. <\/p>\n\n

CONFIDENCIAL<\/strong> consulted cybersecurity experts on how to prevent phones from being intercepted by these \u201cfake antennas\u201d in Nicaragua<\/a>. One specialist explained that the main challenge is that phones do not notify users when they switch from one antenna to another, meaning any citizen can fall within the coverage of an IMSI-Catcher without realizing it. <\/p>\n\n

China\u2019s entry into the cellular market<\/h2>\n\n

China\u2019s presence in the sector has also strengthened in recent years. In July 2025, it was reported that Zhengzhou Coal Mining Machinery Group Co. Ltd., a Chinese company, would establish a new telecommunications company in Nicaragua<\/g> under two contracts totaling nearly $107 million, signed with the Ministry of Finance and Public Credit (MHCP). The plan is to operate a 4G network using Huawei equipment. <\/p>\n\n

The projects include the construction of an LTE (Long Term Evolution) network with 190 wireless base stations to cover the municipalities of Managua and Ciudad Sandino, according to the first contract.<\/p>\n\n

The second contract envisions a less dense network, with 276 stations located across various departments in the Pacific, central, and northern regions of the country, according to a roughly sketched map included in the document.<\/p>\n\n

In an interview on the pro-regime Canal 8 on November 4, 2025, TELCOR Director General Nahima D\u00edaz confirmed that Nicaragua will soon have a new mobile operator, although she did not provide a specific date.<\/p>\n\n

D\u00edaz highlighted that the Convergent Telecommunications Law will allow for number portability, enabling people to keep their phone number even when switching operators.<\/p>\n\n

However, she clarified that the change will not happen automatically under the new law. \u201cAdministrative, technical, and legal issues with the operators need to be addressed. We already have progress with the operators, who are very collaborative,\u201d she said, noting that they are preparing part of their budgets. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The new General Law on Convergent Telecommunications in Nicaragua formally takes effect on November 6, 2025 \u2014 one year after its publication in the Official Gazette La Gaceta. Law 1223, or the \u201cnew gag law,\u201d puts the security and privacy of telecommunications and the internet at risk under the dual dictatorship of Daniel Ortega and […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10,"featured_media":177506,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_eb_attr":"","_eb_data_table":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[15445],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-177740","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-english"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nInternet Under Surveillance in Nicaragua: \u201cNew Gag Law\u201d Takes Effect<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Law 1223 expands the regime's surveillance in Nicaragua to the internet, turning TELCOR into a body of control and censorship.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" 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